Russians opposing the regime face uncertainty as Germany halts humanitarian visas

Bright sun, Ukrainian flag, a woman's hand gesture shielding from Russian drones and warplanes, and the slogan: "No to Putin, no to war".

The drawing by Russian sixth-grader Masha Moskalyova was widely shared around the world — and it was the one thing she and her father took with them "first and foremost" when they left their homeland.

Today, Masha, now 15, and her father are together, but the past years have come at a significant cost: Alexey Moskalyov spent almost two years in prison for "discrediting the Russian army" — a harsh consequence of his daughter's drawing.

It was also the direct result of the Kremlin's intensified repression against those straying from the official narrative. Since the start of Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, Moscow has expanded the legal tools it uses to silence practically anyone it wants to.

After Moskalyov's release, the two managed to cross the border and settle in Armenia, and then tried to leave for a place where the Russian authorities would be unable to reach them.

Yet, the fate of the single father and his daughter remains in limbo.

Just recently, the German Federal Ministry of the Interior (BMI) rejected the Moskalyovs' applications for a humanitarian visa.

Armenians, for their part, have been quite welcoming. "Good-natured people, a beautiful city," Alexey Moskalyov told Euronews.

Yerevan residents sometimes recognise the two in stores, he said, "say words of support, are glad that we are now in a safer place than in Russia."

At the same time, concerns over their safety persist as threats to Russians with anti-war sentiments in this republic of the South Caucasus remain.

"There is a Russian military base in Armenia," he explained. "There have been repeated attempts to kidnap unwanted people, Russian oppositionists, those who oppose the Putin regime, those who did not want to be cannon fodder."

"There were attempts to kidnap and then transfer them to Russia. And then - it's criminal cases and imprisonment all over again," Moskalyov said.

The detention of Russian citizen Dmitry Setrakov, who left for Armenia over objecting to mobilisation back home, carried out by Russian security forces from the military base in the Armenian city of Gyumri, was previously reported by the Vanadzor branch of the human rights organisation Helsinki Citizens' Assembly.

This was not an isolated case.

According to Armenian domestic media, there were at least four similar cases since the beginning of Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in early 2022 — to the point where Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan criticised the Kremlin's actions and called Setrakov's detention a "kidnapping".

Dissidents who find themselves in transit countries even with barely lingering links to the Kremlin also often fear possible extradition to Russia.

This is why, hoping to start a new life, the Moskalyovs applied for a so-called "humanitarian visa" in Germany.

Unlike political asylum, this type of permit would allow them to work immediately and pay taxes, an argument in favour of their further integration.

'Admissions are mostly suspended'

Upon request, a German Federal Ministry of the Interior (BMI) spokesperson told Euronews that, despite not commenting on individual cases, they can confirm that the current government aims to "end voluntary federal admission programmes as much as possible".

The spokesperson elaborated, saying that, "until a decision is made, admissions under § 22 sentence 2 of the Residence Act, which allows entry for political reasons, are mostly suspended." 

This means that, in general, no new admissions are being granted, and no visas are being issued. Urgent cases, however, may still be approved, but there are no fixed rules for what counts as an exception. The decision, however, rests entirely with the ministry.

Moskalyov says he was shocked when he learned that Germany had stopped issuing and approving humanitarian visas.

"We turned to a country that associates itself with democracy, freedom of speech. We turned not so much for help as for protection from the tyranny that is happening in my country, from the dictatorial regime, from the repression that is persecuting me and my daughter," he emphasised.

Marco Fieber, Director of Germany's Libereco – Partnership for Human Rights, an NGO committed to the protection of human rights in Belarus and Ukraine, called the ministry's statement sent to Euronews "absurd".

"The BMI's reasoning that exceptions are only made in 'special individual cases' is absurd in view of the procedure applied to date for those affected from Belarus," he told Euronews.

"In the past, these were always individual case decisions, in which we were in close contact with the German authorities. Nevertheless, in the two cases we are currently handling, nothing has actually happened for months – apparently due to intervention by the BMI", Fieber explained.

"There is no way for Russians to obtain other protection in Germany, as they cannot legally apply for political asylum in Germany, which means that by closing paragraph 22.2 for Russians, Germany is closing off any possibility for them to obtain any kind of protection," a coordinator at the German-based human rights initiative inTransit told Euronews.

Despite the suspension of humanitarian admissions under § 22.2, Russian nationals retain the fundamental right to seek asylum in Germany, as guaranteed by the country's Basic Law. 

The process for seeking asylum can be complex and may involve challenges such as lengthy waiting periods, limited access to employment during the application process, and potential difficulties in proving the grounds for persecution.

'We will not give you peace for the rest of your life'

Returning to Russia is out of the question for Moskalyov and his daughter. During Moskalyov's last interrogation while at the penal colony, an FSB officer told him that he "would not be left alone" after his release.

"You will now be on our radar for the rest of your life. We will come to you, visit you often, we will call you in for questioning, we will monitor you on the Internet, your accounts, and who you correspond with... We will not give you peace for the rest of your life," Moskalyov recalled.

After leaving prison, he did not think of leaving Russia right away. However, the next day, a neighbour called him and said that the police had tried to break into his and Masha's house while the two were out to the supermarket, and he realised that the threats had come true.

Human rights activists he knew gave Moskalyov clear advice: "You and Masha need to leave the country immediately."

'This is not how you fight dictatorships'

The coordinator at the German-based human rights initiative inTransit also expressed "deep shock" at the programme’s closure for Russians and Belarusians.

"This is not how you fight dictatorships," they said, adding that "closing this program is a catastrophe" due to people having to wait for about two years for a visa. During that time, they will be detained and imprisoned, the coordinator told Euronews.

"We are advocating for the resumption of the Paragraph 22.2 program for the Moskalyov family and for all others currently in the process who meet the program’s criteria," they continued, emphasising the numbers: since June 2022, only 2,600 people - including children and spouses - have been accepted, averaging no more than 1,000 per year. 

The coordinator argues that the criteria could be made even stricter, adding that "in recent years they have already been made so restrictive that obtaining German protection was like passing through the eye of a needle". 

InTransit confirmed that around 300 applications are currently in limbo.

"If Germany closes this program, The political goals declared by German politicians regarding present-day Russia and opposing the war in Ukraine will lose much of their meaning", the inTransit-coordinator concluded. 

The French alternative

For now, the organisation inTransit, which is working on assisting the Moskalyovs, is not going to look for another host country for Alexei and Masha, "because we do not believe Germany can simply shift all responsibility for protecting persecuted Russians onto another country, such as France."

InTransit cited the possibility of the French alternative programme’s closure, or waiting times that "could stretch to two years," among further reasons for this decision.

While activists working in different countries welcome the fact that France is accepting Russian dissidents, Paris is simultaneously tightening its general migration policy and, like other European countries, is wary of Kremlin interference.

According to Le Monde, France has turned down around 1,200 visa and accreditation requests from Russians since early 2022, citing espionage fears. 

Those whose applications were rejected include diplomats, businessmen, conference participants, visitors to cultural events, and those who applied as journalists — a category under intense scrutiny over concerns of possible Kremlin-instigated propaganda and disinformation campaigns.

The French authorities are also aware that, due to a shortage of experienced personnel, Moscow is increasingly relying on "illegals", agents who are not protected by diplomatic immunity and who work abroad under false names on long-term assignments.

While the number of asylum requests in France has fallen by 44% in 2024 compared to 2023, the demand for humanitarian visas has not decreased.

"People who have not been able to legalise (their status) in other countries, such as Serbia, Georgia or Spain, during the entire period of full-scale invasion and repression in Russia, are now turning to France, where the chances of legalisation are higher," Olga Prokopyeva, director of the French human rights group Russie-Libertés, told Euronews.

Prokopyeva explained that one of the main reasons why Russians seek political asylum in France is desertion or conscientious objection to military service.

"Perhaps this is also related to the rather low percentage of approvals, because these are complex cases," the human rights activist noted.

"As far as we know, many are forced to appeal the decisions of the French authorities through the courts," she added.

Punished because she 'couldn't lie' to children

Natalia Taranushenko, a teacher from the Moscow region, received a French humanitarian visa.

She was convicted in absentia after telling eighth-graders the truth about the mass murders committed by the Russian army in Bucha during a so-called "lesson of kindness," a mandatory class in today's Russia.

Russian officials, including Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov, have repeatedly called the Bucha massacre a "fake attack" staged by the West or Ukrainian authorities, despite never providing evidence to back their claims.

Investigations, including those by the United Nations, have documented mass killings during Russia's occupation of the Kyiv suburb in the early days of the full-scale invasion.

As many as 458 residents were killed, many executed at close range, tortured, maimed, raped or burned, often in so-called "cleansing" operations.

Taranushenko knew her students might report her to the authorities, but she said she "couldn't lie to eighth-graders."

Two parents of schoolchildren wrote denunciations against the teacher. She was charged last year and, like the Moskalyovs, fled to Armenia. She was detained at the airport when she tried to leave the country for Montenegro.

After several NGOs took up her case and got Armenia to refuse extradition, she was able to leave for France, where she now lives.

"I feel pain and shame for my country. And my profession is also a thing of the past: now I am among human rights defenders and I am very proud of it," Taranushenko told Euronews.

Despite Taranushenko's positive experience, "immigration )is perceived by EU citizens and authorities) extremely negatively," Dmitry Zakhvatov from the NGO Action4life told Euronews.

"The only guarantee of stopping this flow is the restoration of democracy, both in Belarus and in Russia," he explained.

Otherwise, "this confrontation will intensify," Zakhvatov said, referring to the fact that the Russian regime builds its foreign policy exclusively on confrontation with its immediate neighbours and other countries.

"Confrontation is the only way for this regime to survive. It simply does not know how to survive any other way," Zakhvatov concluded.